JOE HAS GOT TO GO
Under Biden’s presidency we have dealt with the Covid Pandemic, empty shelves, cargo backlog, border crisis, a botched Afghanistan withdrawal and more! Time for Joe to go!
Under Biden’s presidency we have dealt with the Covid Pandemic, empty shelves, cargo backlog, border crisis, a botched Afghanistan withdrawal and more! Time for Joe to go!
IMPEACH BIDEN
Our country will continue to hurt and suffer under the care of Joe Biden. He must be stopped.
East Room
4:02 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. I want to speak today to the unfolding situation in Afghanistan: the developments that have taken place in the last week and the steps we’re taking to address the rapidly evolving events.
My national security team and I have been closely monitoring the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and moving quickly to execute the plans we had put in place to respond to every constituency, including — and contingency — including the rapid collapse we’re seeing now.
I’ll speak more in a moment about the specific steps we’re taking, but I want to remind everyone how we got here and what America’s interests are in Afghanistan.
We went to Afghanistan almost 20 years ago with clear goals: get those who attacked us on September 11th, 2001, and make sure al Qaeda could not use Afghanistan as a base from which to attack us again.
We did that. We severely degraded al Qaeda in Afghanistan. We never gave up the hunt for Osama bin Laden, and we got him. That was a decade ago.
Our mission in Afghanistan was never supposed to have been nation building. It was never supposed to be creating a unified, centralized democracy.
Our only vital national interest in Afghanistan remains today what it has always been: preventing a terrorist attack on American homeland.
I’ve argued for many years that our mission should be narrowly focused on counterterrorism — not counterinsurgency or nation building. That’s why I opposed the surge when it was proposed in 2009 when I was Vice President.
And that’s why, as President, I am adamant that we focus on the threats we face today in 2021 — not yesterday’s threats.
Today, the terrorist threat has metastasized well beyond Afghanistan: al Shabaab in Somalia, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, al-Nusra in Syria, ISIS attempting to create a caliphate in Syria and Iraq and establishing affiliates in multiple countries in Africa and Asia. These threats warrant our attention and our resources.
We conduct effective counterterrorism missions against terrorist groups in multiple countries where we don’t have a permanent military presence.
If necessary, we will do the same in Afghanistan. We’ve developed counterterrorism over-the-horizon capability that will allow us to keep our eyes firmly fixed on any direct threats to the United States in the region and to act quickly and decisively if needed.
When I came into office, I inherited a deal that President Trump negotiated with the Taliban. Under his agreement, U.S. forces would be out of Afghanistan by May 1, 2021 — just a little over three months after I took office.
U.S. forces had already drawn down during the Trump administration from roughly 15,500 American forces to 2,500 troops in country, and the Taliban was at its strongest militarily since 2001.
The choice I had to make, as your President, was either to follow through on that agreement or be prepared to go back to fighting the Taliban in the middle of the spring fighting season.
There would have been no ceasefire after May 1. There was no agreement protecting our forces after May 1. There was no status quo of stability without American casualties after May 1.
There was only the cold reality of either following through on the agreement to withdraw our forces or escalating the conflict and sending thousands more American troops back into combat in Afghanistan, lurching into the third decade of conflict.
I stand squarely behind my decision. After 20 years, I’ve learned the hard way that there was never a good time to withdraw U.S. forces.
That’s why we were still there. We were clear-eyed about the risks. We planned for every contingency.
But I always promised the American people that I will be straight with you. The truth is: This did unfold more quickly than we had anticipated.
So what’s happened? Afghanistan political leaders gave up and fled the country. The Afghan military collapsed, sometimes without trying to fight.
If anything, the developments of the past week reinforced that ending U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan now was the right decision.
American troops cannot and should not be fighting in a war and dying in a war that Afghan forces are not willing to fight for themselves. We spent over a trillion dollars. We trained and equipped an Afghan military force of some 300,000 strong — incredibly well equipped — a force larger in size than the militaries of many of our NATO allies.
We gave them every tool they could need. We paid their salaries, provided for the maintenance of their air force — something the Taliban doesn’t have. Taliban does not have an air force. We provided close air support.
We gave them every chance to determine their own future. What we could not provide them was the will to fight for that future.
There’s some very brave and capable Afghan special forces units and soldiers, but if Afghanistan is unable to mount any real resistance to the Taliban now, there is no chance that 1 year — 1 more year, 5 more years, or 20 more years of U.S. military boots on the ground would’ve made any difference.
And here’s what I believe to my core: It is wrong to order American troops to step up when Afghanistan’s own armed forces would not. If the political leaders of Afghanistan were unable to come together for the good of their people, unable to negotiate for the future of their country when the chips were down, they would never have done so while U.S. troops remained in Afghanistan bearing the brunt of the fighting for them.
And our true strategic competitors — China and Russia — would love nothing more than the United States to continue to funnel billions of dollars in resources and attention into stabilizing Afghanistan indefinitely.
When I hosted President Ghani and Chairman Abdullah at the White House in June and again when I spoke by phone to Ghani in July, we had very frank conversations. We talked about how Afghanistan should prepare to fight their civil wars after the U.S. military departed, to clean up the corruption in government so the government could function for the Afghan people. We talked extensively about the need for Afghan leaders to unite politically.
They failed to do any of that.
I also urged them to engage in diplomacy, to seek a political settlement with the Taliban. This advice was flatly refused. Mr. Ghani insisted the Afghan forces would fight, but obviously he was wrong.
So I’m left again to ask of those who argue that we should stay: How many more generations of America’s daughters and sons would you have me send to fight Afghans — Afghanistan’s civil war when Afghan troops will not? How many more lives — American lives — is it worth? How many endless rows of headstones at Arlington National Cemetery?
I’m clear on my answer: I will not repeat the mistakes we’ve made in the past — the mistake of staying and fighting indefinitely in a conflict that is not in the national interest of the United States, of doubling down on a civil war in a foreign country, of attempting to remake a country through the endless military deployments of U.S. forces.
Those are the mistakes we cannot continue to repeat, because we have significant vital interests in the world that we cannot afford to ignore.
I also want to acknowledge how painful this is to so many of us. The scenes we’re seeing in Afghanistan, they’re gut-wrenching, particularly for our veterans, our diplomats, humanitarian workers, for anyone who has spent time on the ground working to support the Afghan people.
For those who have lost loved ones in Afghanistan and for Americans who have fought and served in the country — serve our country in Afghanistan — this is deeply, deeply personal.
It is for me as well. I’ve worked on these issues as long as anyone. I’ve been throughout Afghanistan during this war — while the war was going on — from Kabul to Kandahar to the Kunar Valley.
I’ve traveled there on four different occasions. I met with the people. I’ve spoken to the leaders. I spent time with our troops. And I came to understand firsthand what was and was not possible in Afghanistan.
So, now we’re fercus [sic] — focused on what is possible.
We will continue to support the Afghan people. We will lead with our diplomacy, our international influence, and our humanitarian aid.
We’ll continue to push for regional diplomacy and engagement to prevent violence and instability.
We’ll continue to speak out for the basic rights of the Afghan people — of women and girls — just as we speak out all over the world.
I have been clear that human rights must be the center of our foreign policy, not the periphery. But the way to do it is not through endless military deployments; it’s with our diplomacy, our economic tools, and rallying the world to join us.
Now, let me lay out the current mission in Afghanistan. I was asked to authorize — and I did — 6,000 U.S. troops to deploy to Afghanistan for the purpose of assisting in the departure of U.S. and Allied civilian personnel from Afghanistan, and to evacuate our Afghan allies and vulnerable Afghans to safety outside of Afghanistan.
Our troops are working to secure the airfield and to ensure continued operation of both the civilian and military flights. We’re taking over air traffic control.
We have safely shut down our embassy and transferred our diplomats. Our dip- — our diplomatic presence is now consolidated at the airport as well.
Over the coming days, we intend to transport out thousands of American citizens who have been living and working in Afghanistan.
We’ll also continue to support the safe departure of civilian personnel — the civilian personnel of our Allies who are still serving in Afghanistan.
Operation Allies Refugee [Refuge], which I announced back in July, has already moved 2,000 Afghans who are eligible for Special Immigration Visas and their families to the United States.
In the coming days, the U.S. military will provide assistance to move more SIV-eligible Afghans and their families out of Afghanistan.
We’re also expanding refugee access to cover other vulnerable Afghans who worked for our embassy: U.S. non-governmental agencies — or the U.S. non-governmental organizations; and Afghans who otherwise are at great risk; and U.S. news agencies.
I know that there are concerns about why we did not begin evacuating Afghans — civilians sooner. Part of the answer is some of the Afghans did not want to leave earlier — still hopeful for their country. And part of it was because the Afghan government and its supporters discouraged us from organizing a mass exodus to avoid triggering, as they said, “a crisis of confidence.”
American troops are performing this mission as professionally and as effectively as they always do, but it is not without risks.
As we carry out this departure, we have made it clear to the Taliban: If they attack our personnel or disrupt our operation, the U.S. presence will be swift and the response will be swift and forceful. We will defend our people with devastating force if necessary.
Our current military mission will be short in time, limited in scope, and focused in its objectives: Get our people and our allies to safety as quickly as possible.
And once we have completed this mission, we will conclude our military withdrawal. We will end America’s longest war after 20 long years of bloodshed.
The events we’re seeing now are sadly proof that no amount of military force would ever deliver a stable, united, and secure Afghanistan — as known in history as the “graveyard of empires.”
What is happening now could just as easily have happened 5 years ago or 15 years in the future. We have to be honest: Our mission in Afghanistan has taken many missteps — made many missteps over the past two decades.
I’m now the fourth American President to preside over war in Afghanistan — two Democrats and two Republicans. I will not pass this responsibly on — responsibility on to a fifth President.
I will not mislead the American people by claiming that just a little more time in Afghanistan will make all the difference. Nor will I shrink from my share of responsibility for where we are today and how we must move forward from here.
I am President of the United States of America, and the buck stops with me.
I am deeply saddened by the facts we now face. But I do not regret my decision to end America’s warfighting in Afghanistan and maintain a laser-focus on our counterterrorism missions there and in other parts of the world.
Our mission to degrade the terrorist threat of al Qaeda in Afghanistan and kill Osama bin Laden was a success.
Our decades-long effort to overcome centuries of history and permanently change and remake Afghanistan was not, and I wrote and believed it never could be.
I cannot and I will not ask our troops to fight on endlessly in another — in another country’s civil war, taking casualties, suffering life-shattering injuries, leaving families broken by grief and loss.
This is not in our national security interest. It is not what the American people want. It is not what our troops, who have sacrificed so much over the past two decades, deserve.
I made a commitment to the American people when I ran for President that I would bring America’s military involvement in Afghanistan to an end. And while it’s been hard and messy — and yes, far from perfect — I’ve honored that commitment.
More importantly, I made a commitment to the brave men and women who serve this nation that I wasn’t going to ask them to continue to risk their lives in a military action that should have ended long ago.
Our leaders did that in Vietnam when I got here as a young man. I will not do it in Afghanistan.
I know my decision will be criticized, but I would rather take all that criticism than pass this decision on to another President of the United States — yet another one — a fifth one.
Because it’s the right one — it’s the right decision for our people. The right one for our brave service members who have risked their lives serving our nation. And it’s the right one for America.
So, thank you. May God protect our troops, our diplomats, and all of the brave Americans serving in harm’s way.
4:21 P.M. EDT
Are you better off than you were two years ago?
A number of reports on Saturday suggested that White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain will step down after the State of the Union address next month. So, it’s a good time to look back on the Biden presidency so far.
Last year, just before President Joe Biden’s first State of the Union address, I wrote about seven failures of his administration.
From COVID-19 tyranny to a foolhardy retreat from energy independence to a vicious war on parents, the 46th president has proved to be far from the healing uniter he was promised to be.
Though it seems many Americans have already forgotten about it, the disastrous Afghanistan withdrawal remains one of the most humiliating foreign policy fiascos in American history. Even worse, following that disaster, there was no reckoning, no accountability for what happened.
In Biden’s second year, we saw many ongoing problems, some of which have only escalated. So, to mark the second anniversary of Biden’s presidency, I’ve updated my analysis of some of his biggest failures that are affecting Americans today.
1.) Immigration Chaos
Biden said that the border crisis didn’t begin “overnight.” Actually, it pretty much did begin overnight—the moment he took office. Since he was sworn in as president, there have been an estimated 5.5 million illegal border crossings.
In December alone, there were 251,487 illegal immigrant encounters at the border, according to Customs and Border Patrol. That’s the highest number ever recorded.
Border towns are besieged, but the whole country is now experiencing the effects of the illegal immigration crisis.
Not only are millions of people crossing the border illegally, the border situation has created additional problems beyond the humanitarian issue. Huge quantities of illicit drugs such as fentanyl are coming across the border, too, brought here by drug and human traffickers who thrive in the chaos.
It’s not a stretch to say that Biden has created the worst border crisis in U.S. history. We’ve set records for border crossings in each of his first two years as president, and at the current rate, we will set an illegal border-crossing record again this year.
This is all while Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas again and again assures us that the border is “secure.”
Does this look secure?
Of course, when the president arrived at the border, in El Paso, Texas, on Jan. 8, for his first-ever visit, everything was cleaned up to make things look orderly and normal.
The White House and its media apologists first attempted to write off this crisis as a “seasonal” phenomenon. Nope, it wasn’t that. Now, they’ve gone with the more usual excuse for the president’s failures. He’s a victim of circumstances.
The ongoing, shambolic nature of the illegal immigration crisis is an inevitable product of the administration’s policies and ethos. From the moment Biden became president, he has stripped and chipped away at border enforcement and signaled to would-be border crossers that if they can make their way into this country, there’s a good chance they will be able to stay, whether they are detained or not.
It’s hard not to conclude at this point that what’s happening at the Southern border isn’t just incompetence, it’s intentional.
2.) Ballooning Debt
Pretty much every modern president and Congress has failed on the national debt issue. But Biden has ratcheted it up to a whole new level.
The United States started the 2023 fiscal year with a national debt of more than $31 trillion, which is 120% of the entire U.S. economy at this point. That debt increased by about $4 trillion since Biden arrived in office. And the administration is eager to pile up more debt, with a student-loan forgiveness program that will cost half a trillion dollars if it survives court challenges.
What’s the administration’s plan to deal with the debt that’s quickly reaching its congressionally authorized ceiling and flirting with a big Capitol Hill showdown? Well, some of the administration’s backers suggest that the Federal Reserve create a $1 trillion coin.
Yes, a coin.
The proposal is of dubious legality. When questioned on this, the leading proponents of this “solution” suggested that the White House ignore the courts—creating a constitutional crisis—and march troops on the Federal Reserve if it doesn’t comply.
Sounds like a real plan for economic stability.
But don’t expect help from Congress anytime soon. The massive omnibus spending bill passed late last month in the lame-duck Congress locked in spending until September. A debt apocalypse isn’t here yet, but the consequence of limitless spending is starting to catch up with us.
That leads to the next failure of the Biden presidency.
3.) Inflation
Inflation may be slowing down a bit—while food prices soar—but for the most part, the U.S. economy under Biden has suffered its highest levels of inflation since the Jimmy Carter administration in the late 1970s.
The result is that while the U.S. economy has low unemployment, for now, inflation and the cost of living are wiping out the wealth of the average American.
In fact, according to E.J. Antoni, an economist at The Heritage Foundation, the average American family has lost $7,100 in purchasing power under Biden due to inflation and high interest rates. So, while the Biden administration has celebrated a rise in take-home pay, the reality is that inflation during his presidency has more than nullified those gains.
Antoni also took issue with Biden’s spin on the slowing inflation. Slightly lower inflation is hardly a major victory.
“[Biden] is right to say inflation is going down, but that is not the same as prices going down. Inflation going down means that prices are still rising, just not quite as fast as before. A 7.1% inflation rate is still horrific. It means prices will double in about a decade,” Antoni said in a December interview with The Daily Signal, the news outlet of The Heritage Foundation.
Put another way, the house is burning down, but the good news is, we might save a few chairs.
4.) Woke Administrative State
The federal bureaucracy is being transformed into an apparatus more wholly devoted to the cult of diversity, equity, and inclusion. Following Biden’s 2021 executive order to establish a “government-wide initiative to advance diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility in all parts of the federal workforce,” the bureaucracy has been hard at work injecting every college campus-style inanity into its everyday operations.
Yes, NASA and the Pentagon are now discussing microaggressions and other woke nonsense. That’s comforting to know.
Moreover, all of this extends beyond the bureaucracy’s day-to-day operations.
In April, the Biden administration issued guidance through the Department of Health and Human Services to ensure that “transgender youth receive the care they need.”
What does that mean? This is from a Justice Department memo released at the same time:
Intentionally erecting discriminatory barriers to prevent individuals from receiving gender-affirming care implicates a number of federal legal guarantees. State laws and policies that prevent parents or guardians from following the advice of a health care professional regarding what may be medically necessary or otherwise appropriate care for transgender minors may infringe on rights protected by both the Equal Protection and the Due Process Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.
The bottom line is that Biden, with the power of the federal government, wants to ensure that your child will be gender-transitioned, whether you like it or not.
The Biden administration also redefined Title IX protections for women to include sexual orientation and gender identity. Among other things, that could mean that gendered facilities in schools that receive federal funding could be eliminated or opened to the opposite sex.
The order means that the Department of Education will now go after, for instance, public school libraries that try to remove books with sexually explicit content that deals with LGBT identities.
5.) Specter of Scandal
A more recent development in the Biden presidency has been the discovery that he had classified documents from when he was the vice president under President Barack Obama.
Of course, when the FBI seized documents from former President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago compound in Florida, the media treated it as the scandal of the century. At the time, Biden said he couldn’t believe how “anyone could be that irresponsible” to keep classified documents.
The media are working overtime to draw a distinction here to soften the blow for Biden, but the reality is that this looks bad for the president. It also undermines their arguments about Trump and Republicans being some kind of unique threat to the country.
Before Biden was elected, there were questions about scandal in his family. Was his son, Hunter Biden, using his father’s name and influence to enrich himself? Was the now president in on this corruption?
Of course, Big Tech and the media infamously quashed this story in the days before the 2020 election. It’s not going away now.
The Republican-controlled House will almost certainly be digging deep into potential corruption in the Biden family in the next two years. Even left-wing media and Democrats are acknowledging this is becoming a serious problem for Biden’s presidency.
Even Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., the No. 2 Democrat in the Senate, said that the recent discovery of classified materials in Biden’s Delaware home and the Penn Biden Center “diminishes the stature of any person who is in possession of it” and that Biden “bears ultimate responsibility.”
6.) No Return to Normalcy
Not only did things generally seem broken and dysfunctional in the past year, but Biden and his administration frequently took opportunities to portray half the country as evil, anti-democratic monsters.
That’s a real winning combination.
In Biden’s now infamous speech with a blood-red backdrop where he ranted and raved at length about the wickedness of “MAGA Republicans,” the president effectively defined his opponents as an existential threat to the country.
“As I stand here tonight, equality and democracy are under assault,” Biden said. “We do ourselves no favors to pretend otherwise.”
He kept doubling down.
“MAGA Republicans have made their choice. They embrace anger. They thrive on chaos. They live not in the light of truth, but in the shadow of lies,” Biden said. That’s quite ironic given images like this, from his Sept. 1 speech in front of Independence Hall in Philadelphia, which one news account headlined this way: “Biden shocks viewers with ‘hellish red background’ for polarizing speech.”
Now, Biden might not have genuinely believed what he was saying. After all, his 50-year career in politics seems to be mostly a long practice in opportunistic cynicism.
Biden’s primary strength as a politician has been in carefully triangulating to remain with the current of the Democrat Party, whatever direction that may take him.
One way or another, the speech most certainly represents what people in his administration believe. Many influential people on the Left in America apparently think that anyone to the right of Hillary Clinton—or who takes positions on social issues endorsed by Obama in 2008—should be ostracized, lose their job, and possibly have a powerful federal agency unleashed on them.
Ever the wily character, Biden tried to soften his position a bit after the speech. But the fact remains that that’s now a common view on the Left.
To a certain extent, Biden might have been right. What we are dealing with now truly is a battle for the soul of the nation.
The problem is, Biden is on the wrong side of that battle. He promotes extremist gender ideology, obliterates the wealth of the average American, empowers fanatical bureaucrats in Washington, and demonizes his fellow Americans, all while failing to uphold his constitutional duty to carry out the laws of this country and allowing millions of people to flood into this country illegally.
Biden’s presidency has been a failure. He’s the tottering, corrupt, intellectually bankrupt face of a radical, broken regime.
https://www.heritage.org/progressivism/commentary/6-failures-bidens-presidency-year-2
This past week, President Biden decided to embark on a nationwide tour touting the extraordinary success of “Bidenomics.”
Seriously.
With the 2024 campaign gearing up, the president is presenting more of a public relations blitz attacking his predecessors than a serious examination of his own economic record.
In one speech, Biden derisively repeated the “trickle-down” straw man 15 times, which exceeded his combined mentions of his own record on inflation, wages and the stock market.
Perhaps distraction was the president’s best option, given the public’s 36% approval rating of an economic record dominated by soaring federal debt, surging inflation and stagnant real incomes.
Start with the runaway spending and bailouts enacted by a unified Democratic government that will cost $5 trillion over the decade. Annual budget deficits — less than $1 trillion before the pandemic — are now projected to approach $3 trillion within a decade.
President Biden brags that he “reduced the deficit by $1.7 trillion — more than any president has just in two years.”
In reality, he let $2 trillion in pandemic spending expire on schedule, and then added $300 billion in new spending of his own, leaving the yearly deficit nearly 40% above pre-pandemic levels. Equally disingenuous is the claim that the president’s new budget proposes $2.5 trillion in 10-year deficit reduction — which was measured by simply not counting trillions in proposed tax cut extensions.
Much of the enacted spending — particularly the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan — drove modest post-pandemic inflation into an economic crisis.
Disregarding warnings from liberal economists like Lawrence Summers, this spending spree played a key role in driving prices upward by more than 16% in the 30 months since the president took office, at a cost of more than $10,000 for the typical household.
Even as the inflation rate normalizes, it will not undo the recent price increases that have rendered many goods and services unaffordable for many families.
This inflation exceeded wage growth and caused families to fall further behind. Since Biden took office, hourly compensation (adjusted for inflation) has fallen by 5%. When incomes cannot keep pace with inflation and families are falling behind, few other economic variables matter.
The president frames his economic agenda as obsessively focused on building the middle class. Yet it’s the middle class that has been slammed by rising inflation and declining incomes
Additionally, home buyers have been hit with both rising mortgage rates (from 2.8% to 6.7%) and rising home prices (by 22%) — nearly doubling the monthly mortgage on a new median-priced home from $1,174 to $2,271.
The stock market performed well in 2021, yet has fallen nearly 10% since the beginning of 2022. Even mortgage, auto and credit card debt — which temporarily declined due to large pandemic stimulus payments — are once again rising.
The president highlights the 13 million new jobs added since he took office. However, most were the natural job returns after the pandemic lockdowns were lifted.
And the additional progress toward the current 3.7% unemployment rate — while impressive — is driven by the inflationary overheating of the economy. One cannot take credit for the faster job growth without also owning the inflation that the same policies brought.
And despite President Biden’s relentless rhetoric on inequality, the Census Bureau reports that economic inequality is now rising for the first time since 2011.
Steep inflation, declining real incomes, a falling stock market and deepening inequality. Not usually cause for a presidential victory lap.
Still, the president frames Bidenomics as chiefly pursuing policies that are “pro-worker” and “pro-investment.” Instead, his policies resuscitate long-rejected big government failures.
The “pro-worker” push has meant aggressively catering to big labor with tariffs, protectionism, Buy America rules, union bailouts and expensive red tape.
Many of these policies are designed to aggressively raise labor costs and to shield favored industries from competition. This has hampered American competitiveness, worsened inflation, angered our trading partners and risked retaliation against America’s export industries.
The supposedly “pro-investment” policies have taken the form of aggressive industrial policies to pick winners and losers, further limit competition and spend massively on corporate welfare.
For example, the CHIPS Act appropriated $52 billion purportedly to lower production costs and thus encourage domestic superconductor production.
Instead, the Biden administration saddled the manufacturers with expensive child care mandates and refused to reform expensive construction and labor regulations. Consequently, planned manufacturing plants have been canceled and delayed.
The $370 billion infrastructure law has also run into massive regulatory delays and union-sought cost increases. And the Inflation Reduction Act’s handouts for clean energy projects are now projected to run as much as 2,686% over budget.
All in all, Bidenomics relies on vast subsidies and regulations to shield favored industries from competition, at the expense of consumers and taxpayers. It’s a spoils system for big labor and politically connected industries.
Given the soaring federal debt, steep inflation and falling incomes, its no wonder that the president would rather criticize “trickle-down” straw men than defend his economic record.
https://nypost.com/2023/06/29/bidenomics-is-a-record-of-failure/
These days it often seems like we’re caught in a deluge of bad and worrying news on everything from artificial intelligence and UFOs to homelessness and smoke in the air. But you could argue that life has been getting better in the USA overall, as Washington Monthly’s Bill Scher did recently in examining some of the issues people, and especially Republicans, blame on President Joe Biden. He offers as an example this indictment of Hellhole America from Ron DeSantis in his candidacy announcement last month:
Our southern border [has] collapsed. Drugs are pouring into the country. Our cities are being hollowed out by spiking crime. The federal government’s making it harder for the average family to make ends meet and to attain and maintain a middle-class lifestyle … Stop pricing hardworking Americans out of a good standard of living through inflationary borrow, print, and spending policies.
Actually, notes Scher, the “inflation rate for May is down to 4 percent, less than half of the June 2022 peak.” Illegal border crossings “have dropped by 70 percent in the last few weeks, according to the Department of Homeland Security, after Biden implemented a new border-management policy.” And aside from the fact that rising crime rates during the last few years left crime much, much lower than it was in the late 20th century, any “crime wave” claims are now clearly questionable:
Murder is down about 12 percent year-to-date in more than 90 cities that have released data for 2023, compared with data as of the same date in 2022,” according to crime data analyst Jeff Asher, writing in The Atlantic, a trend that could lead to “one of the largest annual percent changes in murder ever recorded.” That follows a 4 percent drop in homicides in 2022 from the prior year, according to the Council on Criminal Justice analysis of data from 35 cities. …
Another set of promising data comes from the Violent Crime Survey by the Major Cities Chiefs Association, which looked at data from 70 cities. During the first quarter of 2023, homicides, rapes, and robberies dropped about 8 percent from the first quarter of 2022.
So all the dystopian talk from Republican politicians is at best anachronistic, and at worst deliberate disinformation based on reflexive partisanship, right? Well, sort of. There are some other things going on.
When you are a politician, perceptions about how things are going in the nation are just as important as the facts. Polling on Biden’s job-approval ratings on various issues help illuminate the nature of the public’s discontent.
According to the RealClearPolitics polling averages, 41 percent of Americans approval of Biden’s overall job performance, while 54.5 percent disapprove. His 13.5 percent net disapproval is at its highest level since August 2022. But the ratio is worse in surveys that look at Biden’s performance on inflation, immigration, and crime specifically (though the number of polls doing this detailed approval polling is limited). The averages show Biden at 31.3 percent approval to 64.3 percent disapproval on inflation, 32.5 percent approval to 62.3 percent disapproval on immigration, and a relatively benign 38 percent approval to 56 percent disapproval on crime. (By comparison, his average ratios are 40.8 percent approval to 53.8 percent disapproval on foreign policy, almost identical to his overall approval ratings, and a nearly above-water 45.3 percent approval to 49.7 percent disapproval on his handling of the Russia-Ukraine war.)
Do these numbers just reflect partisanship? Not really, though Republican antipathy holds all of Biden’s approval ratings down. When you look at a poll that breaks down these approval levels by partisan ID, as a June 3-6 Economist/YouGov survey did, you see that the Republican numbers are fairly flat. Ten percent of Republicans approve of Biden’s overall job performance, the same percentage that approves of what he’s doing on inflation. Eleven percent of Republicans are happy with Biden on immigration, and 15 percent on crime. There’s more variation among independents; 30 percent approve of Biden’s job approval overall, but the approval number drops to 24 percent on crime, 23 percent on inflation, and 22 percent on immigration. And the most movement is among Democrats — there, Biden approval ratings drop from 82 percent overall to 63 percent on immigration and inflation and 66 percent on crime.
It’s unlikely that Democrats and independents who are less than thrilled with Biden’s record on inflation, immigration, and crime have a negative view because they spend too much time listening to Republican talking points from politicians or Fox News. Clearly Team Biden needs to do a better job of getting the recent good news out to members of his own party and persuadable independents. But it’s also true that perceptions of where the country is on various issues can take time to change.
Most Americans do not follow monthly inflation, crime, or border-crossing statistics. They experience inflation through more expensive bills, less abundant grocery purchases, and delayed big-ticket investments; crime through if-it-bleeds-it-leads local news broadcasts and major events like mass shootings; immigration through vivid images of people in migrant camps or the frequency with which they hear foreign languages spoken in their own communities. The positive statistics Bill Scher recites need to be reflected over time in real-life experiences — and they need to persist until the moment voters decide how to vote. But pushing back when Biden haters pretend the country is going straight to hell is probably a good idea for Democrats. A swing voter might hear them.
https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2023/06/why-do-so-many-americans-think-biden-is-doing-a-bad-job.html
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Joe Biden offered an absolute guarantee Wednesday that people who get their COVID-19 vaccines are completely protected from infection, sickness and death from the coronavirus. The reality is not that cut and dried.
The vaccines are extremely effective but “breakthrough” infections do occur and the delta variant driving cases among the unvaccinated in the U.S. is not fully understood.
Also Biden inflated the impact of his policies on U.S. jobs created in his first half-year in office, misleadingly stating his administration had done more than any other president. He neglects to mention he had population growth on his side in his comparison.
A look at his remarks in a CNN town hall:
BIDEN: “If you’re vaccinated, you’re not going to be hospitalized, you’re not going to be in the IC unit, and you’re not going to die.” — town hall.
THE FACTS: His remark accurately captures the strong protection the COVID-19 vaccines provide as cases spike among people who have resisted the shots. But it overlooks the rare exceptions.
As of July 12, the government had tallied 5,492 vaccinated people who tested positive for coronavirus and were hospitalized or died. That’s out of more than 159 million fully vaccinated Americans. The director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Dr. Rochelle Walensky, said “99.5% of all deaths from COVID-19 are in the unvaccinated.”
BIDEN: “You’re not going to get COVID if you have these vaccinations.” — town hall.
THE FACTS: Again, he painted with too broad a brush as he described in stark terms the disparity between those who got their shots and those who haven’t. The disparity is real, but a small number of breakthrough infections happen and health officials say they are not a cause for alarm.
No vaccines are perfect, and the government is keeping a close eye on whether new coronavirus mutants start to outsmart the COVID-19 shots. But for now, federal health officials say even when breakthrough infections occur, they tend to be mild — the vaccines so far remain strongly protective against serious illness.
BIDEN, asked about vaccinated people who get infected: “It may be possible, I know of none where they’re hospitalized, in ICU and or have passed away so at a minimum I can say even if they did contract it, which I’m sorry they did, it’s such a tiny percentage and it’s not life threatening.” — remarks to reporters after the event.
THE FACTS: Once again, too far. That is evident from the CDC’s finding that 5,492 vaccinated people who tested positive for coronavirus were hospitalized or died as of July 12. That’s not “none.” But he is correct that it is a small percentage of the more than 159 million fully vaccinated Americans.
BIDEN: “We’ve created more jobs in the first six months of our administration than any time in American history. No president, no administration, has ever created as many jobs.” — town hall.
THE FACTS: His claim is misleading.
While Biden’s administration in the first half year as president has seen more jobs created than any other president — just over 3 million in the five months tracked by jobs reports — that’s partly because the U.S. population is larger than in the past.
When calculated as a percentage of the workforce, job growth under President Jimmy Carter increased more quickly from February through June 1977 than the same five months this year: 2.2% for Carter, compared with 2.1% for Biden.
Since the late 1970s, the U.S. population has grown by more than 100 million people.
It’s true, though, that the economy is growing rapidly — it expanded at a 6.4% annual rate in the first three months of the year — and is expected to grow this year at the fastest pace since 1984.
Biden’s $1.9 trillion rescue package contributed to the vigorous growth, but much of the expansion also reflects a broader bounce-back from the unusually sharp pandemic recession, the deepest downturn since the 1930s. Even before Biden’s package, for example, the International Monetary Fund was projecting U.S. growth of over 5% for this year.
Biden is also leaving out the fact that the U.S. economy remains 6.8 million jobs short of its pre-pandemic level, and the unemployment rate is an elevated 5.9%, up from a five-decade low of 3.5% before the pandemic.
President Biden’s victory tour on the economy rolls on.
On Wednesday, he’s “celebrating” the first anniversary of the “Inflation Reduction Act,” a bill even he now admits was a lie.
Earlier, Biden proclaimed that the latest economic statistics “are evidence that our policies are working for American families.”
But for a White House that says it’s committed to combating “misinformation” in the media and on the internet, this economic recovery narrative is right out of an Aesop’s fable.
Here are five falsehoods Biden uses to try to deceive voters on economic conditions:
That WAS true in the month of July. But in 20 of the past 22 months, wages have fallen BELOW inflation. The math here is simple.
Since Biden entered office, wages and salaries are up roughly 12%. And inflation is up 15%.
The inflation rate for essentials like food, energy, mortgage payments, rent and utilities is up closer to 25% since President Donald Trump left office.
The bottom line: The average family income is down by roughly $5,000 since Biden entered office, according to an analysis by Heritage Foundation economists.
And the typical household is spending $709 more per month than it did two years ago, according to the chief economist at Moody’s Analytics.
It is true we have a low unemployment rate today and the jobs market is strong.
But the White House and the Democratic National Committee have been touting a chart purportedly showing that none other than Joe Biden is the greatest job creator of all time.
Better than Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton and Trump.
But that is counting the jobs that were mostly created under Trump but disappeared during COVID when the economy shut down. Biden is counting the millions of jobs that reappeared when businesses reopened.
Even if Donald Duck had been elected president, those jobs would have come back.
That was more than two-thirds of the job “creation” under Biden.
Taking out those jobs, Trump’s job record after 30 months in office was 46,000 per month HIGHER than Biden’s — or 36%.
The Biden administration says we are on a path to record domestic oil production. No.
A new study by University of Chicago economist Casey Mulligan finds that the United States would be producing roughly 2 million more barrels of oil a day if we had stuck with the Trump pro-American energy production. Oil is selling at $80 a barrel.
This means the Biden war on fossil fuels is costing the American economy $160 million A DAY.
Meanwhile the Strategic Petroleum Reserve has dwindled to its lowest level in three decades.
He keeps repeating this fib week after week even as fact-checkers keep informing the White House it’s a Pinocchio lie.
Over the past 12 months, the budget deficit has exceeded $2 trillion.
The 10-year forecast for the debt is more than $8 trillion HIGHER than when Trump left office.
Biden was recently crowing about $3.39-a-gallon gasoline. Yes, that was a big improvement from the $5-a-gallon gas this time last year.
But when Trump left office, the gas price was $2.49 a gallon. And today it is $3.84 a gallon.
No matter you slice or dice it, the cost of filling up is about $20 higher today than under Trump.
The Biden administration PR machine is a master at twisting and torturing data until they say what it wants them to say.
Team Biden is frustrated that most polls show two-thirds of Americans think the economy is worse than it was under Trump. And that’s because … it is.
https://nypost.com/2023/08/16/5-lies-biden-is-telling-you-today-about-the-economy/
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Five of Palm Beach County's largest hospitals at bottom of local safety grades
Five of Palm Beach County's largest hospitals at bottom of local safety grades
Jupiter Medical Center is the lone local A grade in annual rankings by The Leapfrog Group.
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